Video Briefing Wednesday: EFF and Partners Will Deliver to Apple Petitions with 50,000 Signatures Demanding End to Phone Scanning Program

1 week 1 day ago
Apple Customers Tell Tech Giant: Don’t Scan Our Phones

San Francisco—On Wednesday, September 8, at 9 am PT, internationally renowned security technologist Bruce Schneier and EFF Policy Analyst Joe Mullin will speak on a panel with digital rights activists delivering petitions with more than 50,000 signatures calling on Apple to cancel its iPhone surveillance software program. The briefing will be held via Zoom.

Apple’s announcement last month that it plans to install two scanning systems on all of its phones was a disappointment that stands to shatter the tech giant’s credibility on protecting users’ privacy. The iPhone scanning harms privacy for all iCloud photo users, continuously scanning user photos to compare them to a secret government-created database of child abuse images. The parental notification scanner uses on-device machine learning to scan messages, then informs a third party, which breaks the promise of end-to-end encryption.

Acknowledging the outcry by customers and activists against the program, Apple said it’s gathering more feedback and making improvements before launching the scanning features. This does not go far enough. The petitions call on Apple to abandon its surveillance plan, which goes against the company’s long-standing commitment to privacy and security, as well as its history of rejecting backdoors to access content on our phones. EFF, Fight for the Future, and OpenMedia gathered signatures for the petitions that will be emailed to Apple on September 8. EFF is one of 90 organizations that signed on to a letter urging Apple CEO Tim Cook to stop the company’s plans to weaken privacy and security on Apple’s iPhones and other products.

Schneier and Mullin will discuss how Apple’s program opens the door to other surveillance. It will give ammunition to authoritarian governments wishing to expand surveillance and censorship.

WHAT:
Don’t Scan our Phones Petitions to Apple

WHEN:
Wednesday, September 8, 9 am PT

WHO:
Bruce Schneier, Security Technologist
Caitlin Seeley George, Director of Campaigns and Operations, Fight for the
Joe Mullin, Policy Analyst, Electronic Frontier Foundation
Matt Hatfield, Director of Campaigns, OpenMedia

RSVP for Live Zoom Link:
https://us02web.zoom.us/meeting/register/tZYvduytrD0vHNM122yw2kAAqnfyk9EQZpdg

For more on Apple’s phone scanning:
https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2021/08/apples-plan-think-different-about-encryption-opens-backdoor-your-private-life
https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2021/08/if-you-build-it-they-will-come-apple-has-opened-backdoor-increased-surveillance

Contact:  JoeMullinPolicy Analystjoe@eff.org CaitlinSeeley GeorgeDirector of Campaigns and Operations, Fight for the Futurecseeleygeorge@fightforthefuture.org MattHatfieldDirector of Campaigns, OpenMediamatt@openmedia.org
Karen Gullo

Delays Aren't Good Enough—Apple Must Abandon Its Surveillance Plans

1 week 1 day ago

Apple announced today that it would “take additional time over the coming months to collect input and make improvements” to a program that will weaken privacy and security on iPhones and other products. EFF is pleased Apple is now listening to the concerns of customers, researchers, civil liberties organizations, human rights activists, LGBTQ people, youth representatives, and other groups, about the dangers posed by its phone scanning tools. But the company must go further than just listening, and drop its plans to put a backdoor into its encryption entirely.

JOIN THE NATIONWIDE PROTEST

TELL APPLE: DON'T SCAN OUR PHONES

The features Apple announced a month ago, intending to help protect children, would create an infrastructure that is all too easy to redirect to greater surveillance and censorship. These features would create an enormous danger to iPhone users’ privacy and security, offering authoritarian governments a new mass surveillance system to spy on citizens. They also put already vulnerable kids at risk, especially LGBTQ youth, and create serious potential for danger to children in abusive households.

The responses to Apple’s plans have been damning: over 90 organizations across the globe have urged the company not to implement them, for fear that they would lead to the censoring of protected speech, threaten the privacy and security of people around the world, and have disastrous consequences for many children. This week, EFF’s petition to Apple demanding they abandon their plans reached 25,000 signatures. This is in addition to other petitions by groups such as Fight for the Future and OpenMedia, totaling well over 50,000 signatures. The enormous coalition that has spoken out will continue to demand that user phones—both their messages and their photos—be protected, and that the company maintain its promise to provide real privacy to its users. 

Further Reading: 

Cindy Cohn

【隅井孝雄のメディアウオッチ】視聴者激減のNBC、先行き五輪放送続けられるか=隅井孝雄

1 week 2 days ago
アメリカの3大テレビネットワークの一つNBCネットワークが五輪放送権の独占を続け、五輪に支配的な影響力を発揮していることは今では知らない人はいない。IOCは「無観客でも、NBCの放送がありさえすればいい」として、緊急事態宣言下でも開催に固執した。その判断を菅首相は歓迎し、開催一筋に邁進したのだった。 強気一筋だった  NBCのジェフ・シェルCEOは開会前次のように強気の姿勢を語っていた。「前回2016年のリオ五輪でジカ熱感染症の問題があり人々は不安を抱..
JCJ

Without Changes, Council of Europe’s Draft Police Surveillance Treaty is a Pernicious Influence on Latam Legal Privacy Frameworks

1 week 2 days ago

This is the third post in a series about recommendations EFF, European Digital Rights, the Samuelson-Glushko Canadian Internet Policy & Public Interest Clinic, and other civil society organizations have submitted to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE), which is currently reviewing the Protocol, to amend the text before its final approval in the fall.

The Council of Europe (CoE) is on track to approve the Second Additional Protocol to the Budapest Cybercrime Convention, which will set new invasive international rules for law enforcement access to user data and cooperation between States conducting criminal investigations. In our recent joint civil society submission to the CoE’s Parliamentary Assembly we recommended 20 solid amendments to preserve the Protocol’s objective—facilitating efficient and timely cross-border investigations between countries with varying legal systems—while embedding a much-needed baseline to safeguard human rights. In this post, the second in a series about our recommendations, we examine how the current Protocol's text threatens privacy rights in Latin America, a region with deeper challenges for fulfilling human rights safeguards and the rule of law compared to many European countries.

Article 7 of the Protocol is among the most troubling provisions, raising privacy concerns regarding police cross-border access to subscriber data. As we have written, Article 7 establishes procedures for law enforcement in one country to request access to subscriber data directly from service providers located in another country under the requesting country’s legal standards. This can create unjustifiable asymmetries in national law by applying to foreign authorities a more permissive, less privacy-protective legal basis to access subscriber data than what is granted to local law enforcement agencies under its own local law.

Article 7 focuses on authorizing police access to subscriber data. Why does subscriber data matter? Your IP address can tell authorities what websites you visit and who you communicate with. It could reveal otherwise anonymous online identities, your social networking contacts and, even at times, your physical location via GPS. Police can request your name, the subscriber data to link your identity to your online activity, and that can be used to create a nicely detailed police profile of your daily habits .

When and How Cross-Border Police Direct Cooperation Rules Will Perniciously Affect Latin American Countries

We see at least two possible scenarios for how pernicious Article 7 could be on Latam frameworks for lawful access to communications data in criminal investigations. First, this provision can serve as an influence to drive down standards in the region for accessing subscriber information (and unveiling a user’s identity). Second, it can potentially export globally a broader definition of what constitutes “subscriber information,” expanding the categories of communications data encompassed by a third-class protection standard. All in all, Article 7 contains serious flaws that should be fixed before it can serve as a robust rights-protective model to pursue and endorse.

With CoE's final adoption of the draft Protocol, countries in Latin America already parties to the original 2001 Budapest Convention will be able to ratify or accede to the Second Protocol. To date, those countries are Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Colombia, Dominican Republic, Panama, Paraguay, and Peru. Brazil and Mexico were invited to become parties and currently act as observers. The Budapest Convention, the first international treaty addressing internet and computer crime by harmonizing national laws and increasing cooperation among nations, has been influential in the region, acting as a model for cybercrime regulation and production of electronic evidence, even for countries that are not parties of the Convention. As many law enforcement authorities want access to potential electronic evidence across borders, Latin American countries will likely seek accession to the Protocol because of its cooperation rules. But if the final text passes without our recommended amendments, the Protocol will encourage Parties to reinforce weaker privacy standards already in place in different Latam countries instead of fostering a growing trend in other nations in the region where domestic laws or court judgments have provided stronger human rights protections. 

That’s because of another concerning mandate in Article 7: in countries with laws that prevent service providers from voluntarily responding to subscriber data requests without appropriate safeguards—such as a reasonable ground requirement and/or a court order—Article 7 requires these legal “impediments” be removed for cross-border requests. Those countries with higher standards are allowed to reserve the right not to abide by Article 7, but only at the time of the signature/ratification/approval, and not at a later stage. This means that in the future, Parties will be stuck with the inherent flaws in Article 7, and will be unable to designate Article 8—another, slightly more privacy-protective provision in the Protocol for getting data across borders—as the sole means of accessing some or all types of subscriber data, even if their legal systems, because of new laws or court decisions, eventually recognize additional safeguards for subscriber information.

Moreover, although the Protocol stipulates important data protection safeguards, its current text contains provisions that will allow State parties to bypass them (as we will further explain in the third post of this series).

Levelling Down Subscriber Information Protections

Countries in the region have adopted varying degrees of privacy safeguards in criminal investigations. Mexico's legal framework has good standards, at least on the books, requiring judicial authorization for disclosing stored communications data, including subscriber information, and calling for authorities to specify targets and time periods as well as justify the need for the information sought. In Brazil, when it comes to accessing internet users’ subscriber data (dados cadastrais, in Portuguese), authorities with express legal power to access subscriber information aren’t required to obtain a warrant to access the data. Authorities' direct requests to service providers must indicate the explicit legal basis for the request and must specify the individuals whose information is being sought (generic and non-specific collective requests are prohibited).

But Brazilian police agencies dispute that direct requests are authorized only for certain legally specified cases and push for a broader interpretation of their powers. The National Association of Mobile Service Providers (ACEL) went to Brazil's Supreme Court to assert users have constitutional privacy protections when the government is requesting communications data, including subscriber information. But with the case still pending in court, a proposal to reform the country's Criminal Procedure Code is looking to side with law enforcement by generally authorizing police and prosecutors to directly request subscriber data from service providers.

This push to allow law enforcement agents to access subscriber data without a prior court order reflects bad practices adopted in some Latin American countries like Panama, Paraguay, and Colombia. In Colombia, a simple administrative resolution sets out that telecommunications service providers must allow authorities to remotely connect with their systems to obtain user information. Other countries, like Argentina, do not have legal rules or case law specifically addressing law enforcement access to subscriber information.

The Protocol’s Article 7 rules for service providers' direct cooperation with law enforcement aligns with the region’s weaker privacy standards. It also hinders companies’ best practice commitments to interpret local laws in a way that  provides the most privacy protections for users. In collaboration with EFF, leading digital rights groups in Latin America and Spain have been pushing companies to make greater commitments on that front. Who Defends Your Data assessments, inspired by EFF's Who Has Your Back project, have encouraged companies to improve their privacy practices in recent years, demonstrating that local privacy laws should be the ground, and not the ceiling, for companies' efforts in supporting users’ fundamental rights. 

For example, Chilean ISPs have adopted best practices to require a judicial order before handing over users’ information (see GTD's and Claro's law enforcement guidelines) and to only comply with individualized personal data requests (in addition to Claro, see Entel's guidelines). Chilean law does not explicitly create an artificial distinction among different types of communications data, but instead the country’s Criminal Procedure Code allows a more protective standard by requiring a prior warrant in all proceedings that affect, deprive, or restrict an accused or a third-party’s constitutional privacy rights. Since 2017, Derechos Digitales’ Who Defends Your Data reports have been calling on Chilean companies to commit to the most protective interpretation of legal standards concerning communications data disclosures including subscriber data.

In early 2020, Chile's Prosecutor’s Office sought to obtain all mobile phone numbers that had connected to antennas in Santiago’s subway stations, where fires marked the beginning of the country's 2019 social uprising. By obtaining the mobile phone numbers, it would be possible to identify their owners. Most of the ISPs did not comply with the prosecutor’s direct request without a judicial examination. This case is a clear demonstration of how subscriber information, which unveils a user’s identity linked to specific activities, can provide sensitive details of individuals’ daily lives.

In our submission, we recommend removing Article 7 since it erodes privacy standards even where appropriate protections already exist. This amendment would permit Article 8, mentioned above, to become the primary legal basis by which subscriber data is accessed in cross-border contexts. Article 8 authorizes the requesting authority to submit a production order to the receiving national authority so it can compel local service providers to produce stored subscribers and “traffic data.” Even though Article 8 could also benefit from additional safeguards, such as setting a prior judicial authorization standard, it provides stronger protections than Article 7. Article 8 requires the involvement of the receiving Party’s national authorities that can, applying standards contained in its own national laws, compel the production of subscriber data to the local service provider located in its territory.

Broadening the Scope of Third-Class Protection for Subscriber Information

We wrote about the “second-class” protection still granted to metadata in the region. Latam domestic privacy laws often treat metadata as less worthy of protection compared to the contents of a communication. The Budapest Convention has always promoted the distinction between “traffic data” (equivalent to "metadata") and “subscriber information,” and defines them separately. The Protocol uses this distinction to incorporate a lower level of protection for subscriber information in the context of cross-border requests. But as our 13 Principles on the application of human rights to communications surveillance states, these formalistic categories of data "content," "subscriber information," or "metadata” are no longer appropriate for measuring how  intrusive communications surveillance is for individuals’ private lives and associations. While it has long been agreed that communications content deserves significant protection in law because of its capability to reveal sensitive information, it is now clear that other information arising from communications, including subscriber data and metadata, may reveal deeply sensitive aspects about an individual, and thus deserves similarly robust protections.

Unfortunately, the Convention’s broad definition of subscriber information, which includes IP addresses, exacerbates the Protocol’s callous treatment of this category of information, giving it third-class treatment.

That definition goes beyond, for example, the Brazilian legal definition of subscriber data (dados cadastrais). In fact, IP addresses are considered part of connection and application logs, only disclosed by means of a prior judicial authorization—without the exception for direct requests, referred to above, that may apply to subscriber data. As the Protocol’s Explanatory Report underlines, IP address-related information and other access numbers may be treated as traffic data in some countries, which is why the Second Additional Protocol (Article 7, paragraph 9.b) allows Parties to reserve the right not to apply Article 7 to certain types of access numbers.

However, Article 7, paragraph 7.9.b’s reservation is only possible when disclosing those access numbers through direct cross-border cooperation “would be inconsistent with the fundamental principles of [the] domestic legal system.” But in many Latam legal systems, judicial control and/or the presence of reasonable grounds for communications data aren't clearly spelled out. They often rely on legislation that does not clearly distinguish types of information, case law explicitly addressing only telephone communications, or protective interpretations fostered by companies’ best practices. This situation could not only hamper the use of the reservation clause, when countries eventually sign the Protocol, but may also function as a tool for spreading a general understanding of the scope of “subscriber information,” conveniently served with third-class protection standards.

Conclusion

In their landmark ruling affirming data protection as a fundamental right under the country’s Constitution, Brazilian Supreme Court justices pointed out how changes in our technological landscape demand more cautious treatment of subscriber information. Justice Rosa Weber recalled public telephone directories that contained people’s names, telephone numbers, and addresses, asserting that “what could be done from the publicization of such personal data [a few decades ago] is not comparable to what can be done at the current technological level, where powerful data processing, cross-referencing and filtering technologies allow the formation of extremely detailed individual profiles.” Also mentioning public telephone directories, Justice Cármen Lúcia went as far as to say “this world is over!”—referring to how personal information can now be gathered and analyzed to reveal details of our personal lives.

Article 7 of the Second Protocol is way out of step with the realities of how today’s technology can be used to threaten privacy, relying on an outdated and incorrect assumption, put forward in the Protocol’s Explanatory Report, that subscriber information “does not allow precise conclusions concerning the private lives and daily lives of individuals concerned.”

We hope that CoE’s Parliamentary Assembly removes Article 7 in its entirety from the text of the Protocol, allowing Article 8 to form the primary basis by which user information is disclosed in cross-border contexts. This would allow cross-border cooperation in accessing people’s private information to properly align with advancements in privacy protections being made in national law. That will help to avoid the drift towards third-class protection for user information that can unveil people’s identities  and  link them to specific online activities. Alternatively, if the Parliamentary Assembly retains Article 7, it must be amended to prevent foreign efforts to sidestep domestic safeguards when seeking access to user data.

The Assembly has the opportunity to ensure respect for human rights in cross-border police investigations. Improving the Protocol’s safeguards will carry weight with stakeholders at the national level and influence their decisions to champion, instead of discard, proper privacy safeguards. CoE’s international rules should serve to tip the scale in favor of protecting fundamental rights instead of embracing surveillance tactics strongly lacking human rights protections.

Read more on this topic:

EFF to Council of Europe: Flawed Cross Border Police Surveillance Treaty Needs Fixing—Here Are Our Recommendations to Strengthen Privacy and Data Protections Across the World

Joint Civil Society Comment to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) on the Second Additional Protocol to the Cybercrime Convention (CETS 185) 

Council of Europe’s Actions Belie its Pledges to Involve Civil Society in Development of Cross Border Police Powers Treaty

Global Law Enforcement Convention Weakens Privacy & Human Rights

Joint Civil Society letter for the 6th round of consultation on the Cybercrime Protocol on the first complete draft of the Protocol



Veridiana Alimonti

米国家運輸安全委員会、Tesla に運転支援システムが緊急車両を検出・対応する方法の説明を求める

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「+メッセージ」がMVNOでも利用可能に

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coara 曰く、電話番号だけでLINEのように長文・スタンプ・画像・動画などのやりとりができる「+メッセージ」だが、これまでは携帯3社のブランドでしか利用ができなかった。これについて、9月2日本日よりサブブランドやMVNOにも対象を広めることになったそうだ。MVNOについて既にau回線は対応済み、docomo回線は9月下旬予定、SoftBank回線は来春予定となっている。なお、楽天モバイルは対象外となる。 各社報道資料: docomo, KDDI, SoftBank, Impress Watch # LINEに対抗するように生まれたサービスだが、大手ブランドでしか利用できず周りに利用者などいない状態だったが、これで多少は改善することになるのだろうか。# ようやくスタートラインに立ったという感じだが、検索避けのような名称が今後も足枷になり続けるだろう。

すべて読む | ITセクション | 携帯電話 | SNS | 携帯通信 |

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東京都が配布したリーフレット等に掲載のサイトが失効。別サイトに誘導する結果に

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Apple、リーダーアプリでアプリ内課金以外の購入方法へ誘導する外部リンクの設置を許容すると公正取引委員会に約束

1 week 2 days ago
headless 曰く、公正取引委員会は 2 日、Apple が App Store Review ガイドラインの改訂を申し出たことを受け、App Store における独占禁止法違反に関する審査の終了を発表した(プレスリリース、 Apple のプレスリリース)。 現在の App Store Review ガイドライン 3.1.1 ではアプリで利用するデジタルコンテンツや機能の販売にアプリ内課金の使用を義務付けており、他の方法での購入へ誘導する外部リンク等をアプリ内に配置することを禁じている。アプリ内課金では売り上げから 15 % または 30 % の手数料が徴収されるが、著作権料等の負担が大きい音楽配信事業等では費用の圧縮が困難だ。 ガイドラインの規定は価格引き下げの効果が期待できるアプリ内課金以外の販売方法への誘導を禁止するものであり、公正取引委員会では独占禁止法上問題となる可能性があるとして調査を行っていた。しかし、今回 Apple がアプリ内購入以外の販売方法に誘導する外部リンクの設置をリーダーアプリに許容するガイドライン変更を申し出たことから、公正取引委員会では独占禁止法上の問題を解消すると認めた。Apple によれば、変更は来年初めから適用されるとのこと。 また、App Store の審査基準が不透明だと多数のデベロッパーから指摘されていた件に関しても、Apple がガイドラインの明確化や審査の透明性向上の取り組みを進めること、3 年間にわたり年に 1 回の報告を行うことを申し出たことから、本件審査を終了することにしたとのことだ。

すべて読む | アップルセクション | 日本 | ソフトウェア | アップル | デベロッパー |

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