The U.S. Supreme Court Continues its Foray into Free Speech and Tech: 2024 in Review

EFF update
2 days 5 hours ago

As we said last year, the U.S. Supreme Court has taken an unusually active interest in internet free speech issues over the past couple years.

All five pending cases at the end of last year, covering three issues, were decided this year, with varying degrees of First Amendment guidance for internet users and online platforms. We posted some takeaways from these recent cases.

We additionally filed an amicus brief in a new case before the Supreme Court challenging the Texas age verification law.

Public Officials Censoring Comments on Government Social Media Pages

Cases: O’Connor-Ratcliff v. Garnier and Lindke v. Freed – DECIDED

The Supreme Court considered a pair of cases related to whether government officials who use social media may block individuals or delete their comments because the government disagrees with their views. The threshold question in these cases was what test must be used to determine whether a government official’s social media page is largely private and therefore not subject to First Amendment limitations, or is largely used for governmental purposes and thus subject to the prohibition on viewpoint discrimination and potentially other speech restrictions.

The Supreme Court crafted a two-part fact-intensive test to determine if a government official’s speech on social media counts as “state action” under the First Amendment. The test includes two required elements: 1) the official “possessed actual authority to speak” on the government’s behalf, and 2) the official “purported to exercise that authority when he spoke on social media.” As we explained, the court’s opinion isn’t as generous to internet users as we asked for in our amicus brief, but it does provide guidance to individuals seeking to vindicate their free speech rights against government officials who delete their comments or block them outright.

Following the Supreme Court’s decision, the Lindke case was remanded back to the Sixth Circuit. We filed an amicus brief in the Sixth Circuit to guide the appellate court in applying the new test. The court then issued an opinion in which it remanded the case back to the district court to allow the plaintiff to conduct additional factual development in light of the Supreme Court's new state action test. The Sixth Circuit also importantly held in relation to the first element that “a grant of actual authority to speak on the state’s behalf need not mention social media as the method of speaking,” which we had argued in our amicus brief.

Government Mandates for Platforms to Carry Certain Online Speech

Cases: NetChoice v. Paxton and Moody v. NetChoice – DECIDED  

The Supreme Court considered whether laws in Florida and Texas violated the First Amendment because they allow those states to dictate when social media sites may not apply standard editorial practices to user posts. As we argued in our amicus brief urging the court to strike down both laws, allowing social media sites to be free from government interference in their content moderation ultimately benefits internet users. When platforms have First Amendment rights to curate the user-generated content they publish, they can create distinct forums that accommodate diverse viewpoints, interests, and beliefs.

In a win for free speech, the Supreme Court held that social media platforms have a First Amendment right to curate the third-party speech they select for and recommend to their users, and the government’s ability to dictate those processes is extremely limited. However, the court declined to strike down either law—instead it sent both cases back to the lower courts to determine whether each law could be wholly invalidated rather than challenged only with respect to specific applications of each law to specific functions. The court also made it clear that laws that do not target the editorial process, such as competition laws, would not be subject to the same rigorous First Amendment standards, a position EFF has consistently urged.

Government Coercion in Social Media Content Moderation

Case: Murthy v. Missouri – DECIDED

The Supreme Court considered the limits on government involvement in social media platforms’ enforcement of their policies. The First Amendment prohibits the government from directly or indirectly forcing a publisher to censor another’s speech (often called “jawboning”). But the court had not previously applied this principle to government communications with social media sites about user posts. In our amicus brief, we urged the court to recognize that there are both circumstances where government involvement in platforms’ policy enforcement decisions is permissible and those where it is impermissible.

Unfortunately, the Supreme Court did not answer the important First Amendment question before it—how does one distinguish permissible from impermissible government communications with social media platforms about the speech they publish? Rather, it dismissed the cases on “standing” because none of the plaintiffs had presented sufficient facts to show that the government did in the past or would in the future coerce a social media platform to take down, deamplify, or otherwise obscure any of the plaintiffs’ specific social media posts. Thus, while the Supreme Court did not tell us more about coercion, it did remind us that it is very hard to win lawsuits alleging coercion. 

However, we do know a little more about the line between permissible government persuasion and impermissible coercion from a different jawboning case, outside the social media context, that the Supreme Court also decided this year: NRA v. Vullo. In that case, the National Rifle Association alleged that the New York state agency that oversees the insurance industry threatened insurance companies with enforcement actions if they continued to offer coverage to the NRA. The Supreme Court endorsed a multi-factored test that many of the lower courts had adopted to answer the ultimate question in jawboning cases: did the plaintiff “plausibly allege conduct that, viewed in context, could be reasonably understood to convey a threat of adverse government action in order to punish or suppress the plaintiff ’s speech?” Those factors are: 1) word choice and tone, 2) the existence of regulatory authority (that is, the ability of the government speaker to actually carry out the threat), 3) whether the speech was perceived as a threat, and 4) whether the speech refers to adverse consequences.

Some Takeaways From These Three Sets of Cases

The O’Connor-Ratcliffe and Lindke cases about social media blocking looked at the government’s role as a social media user. The NetChoice cases about content moderation looked at government’s role as a regulator of social media platforms. And the Murthy case about jawboning looked at the government’s mixed role as a regulator and user.

Three key takeaways emerged from these three sets of cases (across five total cases):

First, internet users have a First Amendment right to speak on social media—whether by posting or commenting—and that right may be infringed when the government seeks to interfere with content moderation, but it will not be infringed by the independent decisions of the platforms themselves.

Second, the Supreme Court recognized that social media platforms routinely moderate users’ speech: they decide which posts each user sees and when and how they see it, they decide to amplify and recommend some posts and obscure others, and they are often guided in this process by their own community standards or similar editorial policies. The court moved beyond the idea that content moderation is largely passive and indifferent.

Third, the cases confirm that traditional First Amendment rules apply to social media. Thus, when government controls the comments section of a social media page, it has the same First Amendment obligations to those who wish to speak in those spaces as it does in offline spaces it controls, such as parks, public auditoriums, or city council meetings. And online platforms that edit and curate user speech according to their editorial standards have the same First Amendment rights as others who express themselves by selecting the speech of others, including art galleries, booksellers, newsstands, parade organizers, and editorial page editors.

Government-Mandated Age Verification

Case: Free Speech Coalition v. Paxton – PENDING

Last but not least, we filed an amicus brief urging the Supreme Court to strike down HB 1181, a Texas law that unconstitutionally restricts adults’ access to sexual content online by requiring them to verify their age (see our Year in Review post on age verification). Under HB 1181, passed in 2023, any website that Texas decides is composed of one-third or more of “sexual material harmful to minors” must collect age-verifying personal information from all visitors. We argued that the law places undue burdens on adults seeking to access lawful online speech. First, the law forces adults to submit personal information over the internet to access entire websites, not just specific sexual materials. Second, compliance with the law requires websites to retain this information, exposing their users to a variety of anonymity, privacy, and security risks not present when briefly flashing an ID card to a cashier, for example. Third, while sharing many of the same burdens as document-based age verification, newer technologies like “age estimation” introduce their own problems—and are unlikely to satisfy the requirements of HB 1181 anyway. The court’s decision could have major consequences for the freedom of adults to safely and anonymously access protected speech online.

This article is part of our Year in Review series. Read other articles about the fight for digital rights in 2024.

Sophia Cope

EFF Continued to Champion Users’ Online Speech and Fought Efforts to Curtail It: 2024 in Review

EFF update
2 days 5 hours ago

People’s ability to speak online, share ideas, and advocate for change are enabled by the countless online services that host everyone’s views.

Despite the central role these online services play in our digital lives, lawmakers and courts spent the last year trying to undermine a key U.S. law, Section 230, that enables services to host our speech. EFF was there to fight back on behalf of all internet users.

Section 230 (47 U.S.C. § 230) is not an accident. Congress passed the law in 1996 because it recognized that for users’ speech to flourish online, services that hosted their speech needed to be protected from legal claims based on any particular user’s speech. The law embodies the principle that everyone, including the services themselves, should be responsible for their own speech, but not the speech of others. This critical but limited legal protection reflects a careful balance by Congress, which at the time recognized that promoting more user speech outweighed the harm caused by any individual’s unlawful speech.

EFF helps thwart effort to repeal Section 230

Members of Congress introduced a bill in May this year that would have repealed Section 230 in 18 months, on the theory that the deadline would motivate lawmakers to come up with a different legal framework in the meantime. Yet the lawmakers behind the effort provided no concrete alternatives to Section 230, nor did they identify any specific parts of the law they believed needed to be changed. Instead, the lawmakers were motivated by their and the public’s justifiable dissatisfaction with the largest online services.

As we wrote at the time, repealing Section 230 would be a disaster for internet users and the small, niche online services that make up the diverse forums and communities that host speech about nearly every interest, religious and political persuasion, and topic. Section 230 protects bloggers, anyone who forwards an email, and anyone who reposts or otherwise recirculates the posts of other users. The law also protects moderators who remove or curate other users’ posts.

Moreover, repealing Section 230 would not have hurt the biggest online services, given that they have astronomical amounts of money and resources to handle the deluge of legal claims that would be filed. Instead, repealing Section 230 would have solidified the dominance of the largest online services. That’s why Facebook has long ran a campaign urging Congress to weaken Section 230 – a cynical effort to use the law to cement its dominance.

Thankfully, the bill did not advance, in part because internet users wrote to members of Congress objecting to the proposal. We hope lawmakers in 2025 put their energy toward ending Big Tech’s dominance by enacting a meaningful and comprehensive consumer data privacy law, or pass laws that enable greater interoperability and competition between social media services. Those efforts will go a long way toward ending Big Tech’s dominance without harming users’ online speech.

EFF stands up for users’ speech in courts

Congress was not the only government branch that sought to undermine Section 230 in the past year. Two different courts issued rulings this year that will jeopardize people’s ability to read other people’s posts and make use of basic features of online services that benefit all users.

In Anderson v. TikTok, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit issued a deeply confused opinion, ruling that Section 230 does not apply to the automated system TikTok uses to recommend content to users. The court reasoned that because online services have a First Amendment right to decide how to present their users’ speech, TikTok’s decisions to recommend certain content reflects its own speech and thus Section 230’s protections do not apply.

We filed a friend-of-the-court brief in support of TikTok’s request for the full court to rehear the case, arguing that the decision was wrong on both the First Amendment and Section 230. We also pointed out how the ruling would have far-reaching implications for users’ online speech. The court unfortunately denied TikTok’s rehearing request, and we are waiting to see whether the service will ask the Supreme Court to review the case.

In Neville v. Snap, Inc., a California trial court refused to apply Section 230 in a lawsuit that claims basic features of the service, such as disappearing messages, “Stories,” and the ability to befriend mutual acquaintances, amounted to defectively designed products. The trial court’s ruling departs from a long line of other court decisions that ruled that these claims essentially try to plead around Section 230 by claiming that the features are the problem, rather than the illegal content that users created with a service’s features.

We filed a friend-of-the-court brief in support of Snap’s effort to get a California appellate court to overturn the trial court’s decision, arguing that the ruling threatens the ability for all internet users to rely on basic features of a given service. Because if a platform faces liability for a feature that some might misuse to cause harm, the platform is unlikely to offer that feature to users, despite the fact that the majority of people using the feature for legal and expressive purposes. Unfortunately, the appellate court denied Snap’s petition in December, meaning the case continues before the trial court.

EFF supports effort to empower users to customize their online experiences

While lawmakers and courts are often focused on Section 230’s protections for online services, relatively little attention has been paid to another provision in the law that protects those who make tools that allow users to customize their experiences online. Yet Congress included this protection precisely because it wanted to encourage the development of software that people can use to filter out certain content they’d rather not see or otherwise change how they interact with others online.

That is precisely the goal of a tool being developed by Ethan Zuckerman, a professor at the University of Massachusetts Amherst, known as Unfollow Everything 2.0. The browser extension would allow Facebook users to automate their ability to unfollow friends, groups, or pages, thereby limiting the content they see in their News Feed.

Zuckerman filed a lawsuit against Facebook seeking a court ruling that Unfollow Everything 2.0 was immune from legal claims from Facebook under Section 230(c)(2)(B). EFF filed a friend-of-the-court brief in support, arguing that Section 230’s user-empowerment tool immunity is unique and incentivizes the development of beneficial tools for users, including traditional content filtering, tailoring content on social media to a user’s preferences, and blocking unwanted digital trackers to protect a user’s privacy.

The district court hearing the case unfortunately dismissed the case, but its ruling did not reach the merits of whether Section 230 protected Unfollow Everything 2.0. The court gave Zuckerman an opportunity to re-file the case, and we will continue to support his efforts to build user-empowering tools.

This article is part of our Year in Review series. Read other articles about the fight for digital rights in 2024.

Aaron Mackey

【おすすめ本】立岩陽一郎『NHK 日本的メディアの内幕』─続く不祥事,生々しい証言 公共放送の再生をめざして＝高野真光(月刊｢マスコミ市民｣発行人･編集委員）

日本ジャーナリストクラブ（JCJ）
2 days 7 hours ago
「ＮＨＫは大事なんだよ」という田原総一朗氏の言葉が印象的なオビ。だが、その中身は読む者に「ＮＨＫは本当に必要なのか」という重い問いを突きつけてくる。　著者は、ＮＨＫで社会部や国際部の記者として数々の調査報道の特ダネを書いた実績を持つジャーナリストである。この著書を際立たせているのは、ＮＨＫ在籍中に自らが体験した出来事だけでなく、ＮＨＫをめぐる不祥事について、ＮＨＫのOBを始めとする関係者から、直接取材をして生々しい証言を得ていることである。　著者はＮＨＫの各組織が抱える様々..
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